Rogers, the CEO of Duke Energy Corp., one of the largest utility corporations in the country, has given generously to Democratic politicians over the years. Along with his wife, Mary Anne, he has contributed more than $210,000 to Democratic candidates and committees since 2008, more than double what the couple has given to Republicans. Of that figure, more than $150,000 went to the Democratic National Committee (DNC); $19,200 went to President Obama.

Rogers is co-chairing the host committee with Charlotte Mayor Anthony Foxx (D), who was elected to a second term in November 2011. Rogers and his wife both contributed $8,000 to Foxx’s campaign, the maximum allowed under state law.

Rogers has also done his part to make sure that the convention has access to plenty of cash. The Charlotte Observer reported that Rogers was “quietly raising” as much as $15 million for the DNC.

Additionally, in an effort to entice the DNC to Charlotte, Rogers and Duke Energy offered to open a $10 million line of credit—guaranteed by Duke shareholders—to help finance the convention.

Duke spokesman Tom Williams told the Washington Free Beacon that the offer of credit was made in the hopes of strengthening Charlotte’s application. “It’s all part of our effort to showcase the city of Charlotte,” Williams said. “Nothing more, nothing less.”

Asked if the credit line had been utilized, a host committee official replied, “not to my knowledge,” adding, “In theory, we raise the $36.6 million. The line of credit is just that. We’re obligated to pay it all back.”

Meanwhile, organizers of the Republican National Convention in Tampa, Fla., say they don’t anticipate needing a line of credit.

“There’s a tremendous amount of enthusiasm and support for the 2012 Republican National Convention,” said convention spokesman James Davis. “Therefore, we have no credit lines in place or plans to borrow money.”

Just as Rogers has helped fund Democratic politicians, they, in turn, have helped steer massive amounts of federal funding to Duke Energy. The 2009 stimulus package, for instance, was a boon for the company: Duke received federal grants totaling $230.4 million for a number of “green” energy projects including “smart grid” development and wind energy storage.

According to Recovery.gov, Duke created 196.6 jobs as a result of the grants.

The company also received a $350,000 grant to assist General Motors in the development of the Chevrolet Volt, the poorly selling electric vehicle that the Obama administration has recently proposed subsidizing at a rate of $10,000 per car.

Rogers’ support for the president’s “green” agenda earned him a spot on the short list to become President Obama’s Energy Secretary.

Though headquartered in Charlotte, Duke maintains an active presence in Washington, D.C., having spent more than $26 million lobbying the federal government on energy-related issues since 2007.

In 2009, the company enlisted the services of the Podesta Group, a lobbying firm founded by John Podesta, the former president of the Center for American Progress and co-chairman of the Obama-Biden transition team, and his brother Tony Podesta. Since then, Duke Energy has paid the firm $860,000 to lobby to “support the passage of climate change and energy legislation” and “energy efficiency and clean energy solutions,” according to a database maintained by the Senate Office of Public Records.

The Duke Energy Political Action Committee, which has tended to give more to Republicans in the past, reversed that trend in 2010, giving $260,000 to Democratic candidates following the passage of the stimulus, compared with just $209,000 to Republicans.

The Washington Free Beacon noted last week that the convention host-committee is operating under very strict fundraising restrictions, refusing to accept money from corporations, lobbyists, or other special interest groups such as unions.

However, these self-imposed restrictions did not prevent Rogers from accompanying convention CEO Steve Kerrigan, a former national political director for Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.), to Washington, D.C. for a meeting with high-powered lobbyists.

Bloomberg reported that Rogers and Kerrigan were touting an array of expensive convention “packages,” including premium hotels rooms and concierge service, aimed at ultra-wealthy donors. A convention spokesperson said they were simply “educating Beltway types about the new rules.”

The host committee has been charged with raising $36.6 million to help cover a portion of the convention costs. Given the new restrictions, including a $100,000 limitation on individual donations, the goal will be difficult to reach.

For instance, of the $61 million the DNC raised for its 2008 convention in Denver, Colo., more than 70 percent came from donations of $250,000 or higher. Nearly a quarter of the convention’s funding came from just 12 donations of more than $1 million. Union groups alone gave $8.3 million (14 percent). Contributions of $100,000 or less—this year’s limit—accounted for only 5 percent of the total.

It is unclear whether the host committee is having trouble meeting its fundraising target. A committee official told the Free Beacon there were no plans to publicly release fundraising figures before the FEC-mandated deadline of one month following the convention.

Host committee spokeswoman Suzi Emmerling, formerly of the liberal think tank Center for American Progress, insisted that convention leaders were not attempting to sidestep the fundraising restrictions. Democratic National Convention Committee CEO Steve Kerrigan, she said, had simply been “educating Beltway types about the new rules.”

“All of this is brand new,” Emmerling tells the Washington Free Beacon. “A convention has never been funded this way before, so there are a lot of false assumptions about what we’re doing.”

Democrats are billing the upcoming Democratic National Committee’s annual convention as a “People’s Convention,” funded by “the people.” At President Obama’s request, the host committee in Charlotte—which must raise $36.6 million to pay for the convention—has promised to refuse donations from corporations, lobbyists or other special interest groups, including unions. Individual contributions are limited to $100,000.

But living up to these ambitious self-imposed rules is proving more difficult than party leaders expected. Local sources say the DNC is approaching wealthy Bank of America executives in an effort to unload some of its premier convention packages. A number of these executives have been shocked at the audacity of the proposition, given the administration’s attacks on not only the bank but also on wealthy Americans in general. President Obama and his Democratic colleagues have repeatedly charged that wealthy Americans are not “paying their fair share” to the federal government in the form of taxes.

Steve Kerrigan, the committee CEO, recently convened a meeting with lobbyists and other Beltway power brokers at the Jefferson Hotel in Washington D.C. Democratic sources told Bloomberg that Kerrigan, a former national political director for Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.), touted an expensive array of convention “packages” that were aimed at attracting ultra-wealthy donors.

One of the options is the $1 million “Presidential” level, which includes a “premier uptown hotel room” and “concierge services,” as well as the $500,000 “Gold Rush” package.

Convention leaders have also sought to court ultra-wealthy donors by moving the president’s acceptance speech to Bank of America Stadium (the bank is headquartered in Charlotte), the 74,000-seat home to the NFL’s Carolina Panthers. White House Press Secretary Jay Carney said the decision was intended to allow “greater participation from all walks of life.” However, Democratic sources confided that the move would allow convention organizers “to sell more skyboxes to wealthy donors,” according to Bloomberg.

Committee officials dispute the report. “Decisions about convention planning are driven by engaging more people in the process, not by money,” Kerrigan said in a statement.

Still, the decision was criticized on the left by those who were not pleased with the idea of Obama accepting his party’s nomination under the banner of the country’s second-largest financial institution, which received a $45 billion taxpayer-funded bailout during the financial crisis. Obama himself has directed some tough rhetoric toward Bank of America. For example, when the bank proposed charging a $5 monthly fee to debit card users, Obama complained that the bank was “using financial regulation as an excuse to charge consumers more.”

But “educating” the super-rich is not the only way the DNC has sought to sidestep its convention fundraising rules. For instance, while the convention committee isn’t accepting cash donations from corporations, there are no corresponding restrictions with respect to “in kind” donations such as food or equipment, which can add up to millions of dollars. The DNCC has also established a separate “Hospitality” committee, called the New American City Foundation, to sponsor parties and other events associated with the convention, which is not bound by the same fundraising restrictions.

The overall fundraising effort appears to be struggling. Convention organization recently decided to shorten the length of the convention from four days to three. Local officials, meanwhile, have raised concerns about the host committee’s refusal to disclose its fundraising progress.

Scott Stone, former Republican candidate for mayor of Charlotte, cites the host committee’s refusal to release its fundraising records as “a significant concern.” “Not only because of the lack of transparency,” he says, “but if they don’t meet their numbers, taxpayers could be left with the bill.”

A host committee official tells the Washington Free Beacon that there are no plans to publicly release fundraising figures before the FEC-mandated deadline of one month following the convention. Meanwhile, organizers in Tampa, Fla., site of the 2012 GOP convention, announced back in August that they had raised $15 million of their $55 million goal.

A review of the DNC fundraising figures from the 2008 convention in Denver suggest that party leaders were wildly optimistic to believe they could raise $36 million from “the people.” Of the $61 million the DNC raised for the Denver convention, more than 70 percent came from donations of $250,000 or higher. Nearly a quarter of the convention’s funding came from just 12 donations of more than $1 million. Union groups alone gave $8.3 million (14 percent). Contributions of $100,00 or less—this year’s limit—accounted for only 5 percent of the total.